史话》与李光耀谈「九二共识」（李庆平）

图为新加坡前总理李光耀。（美联社资料照片）

2000年5月20日，民进党陈水扁就任中华民国总统，他宣布「四不一没有」大陆政策，即不宣布独立，不改变国号，不推动两国论入宪，不推动改变现状的统独公投，没有废除《国统纲领》及国统会的问题。中国大陆的回应是「聴其言，观其行」。2006年6月27日下午，陈水扁在总縂府接见美国亚洲基金会㑹长傅勒博士（Willian Fuller）等人，表示新政府愿意接受海基、海协两会，92年的「一个中国，各自表述」共识，但大陆方面却不承认有这项共识。当晚总统府高层指出，陈水扁的立塲与520、620演说一致，不代表总统接受「一个中国原则」。

6月28日时任陆委会主委蔡英文，再于晚间举行紧急记者会，澄清指出，陈水扁有关「一个中国」问题谈话，与620记者会上，在精神上、内容上是一致的。「一个中国，各自表述」是我方用来描述九二年㑹谈过程的用语，两岸从来没有对「一个中国的原则」有共识。

陈水扁的谈话及蔡英文的澄清，是当时两岸重大事件，影响相当深远，因陈水扁政府的大陆政策否定了「九二共识」的存在，使两岸原有的互信基础动摇，而海基会、海协会也因此停顿了8年的协商。

2000年11月初，中国国民党吴伯雄副主席将于11月17日，以私人身分率团到福建龙岩参加「世界客属大会」，吴副主席特邀我与张荣恭、李建荣随团前往参访。消息在报上刊登后，引起新加坡驻台北办事处的重视，因这是1949年以来，中国国民党副主席第一次参访大陆，虽然是以私人身分参访，仍具有一定的义意。另「九二共识」的原委，新加坡有关方面，也想了解真实情况，因这些原因，新加坡驻台北办事处许国丰代表在11月初与我见面，邀请我赴新加坡与李光耀资政会面。当时我的工作是中国广播公司总经理。

11月10日下午5时45分，我在新加坡总理公署与李光耀资政会面，新加坡外交部官员王泽雄陪同会见。李资政非常亲切的接待，并告知今天是以新加坡官方语言英语，为双方会谈语言。

首先我表明，能有机会来拜会一位世界𠎀出而重要的政治家，是本人至高的荣幸，同时感谢新加坡政府在1993年4月，「辜汪会谈」在新加坡举行时，给与我方代表团的协助。因那时我担任海基会副秘书长，参加了「辜汪会谈」，并负责与新加坡外交部联系。

我携带了胡志强先生担任外交部长时，我外交部印发的有关「一个中国」的说帖及剪报，送给李资政参考。

我向他说明今年11月17日，我将随同中国国民党吴伯雄副主席，以私人身分赴大陆参加在福建龙岩举办的「世界客属大会」，但不排除与大陆高层有会面的机会。我的判断不外乎，要谈如何重建两岸关系及如何对推动党与党的交往工作，交换意见。2001年中国国民党智库将与大陆方面的智库专家，学者，进行学术性的研讨㑹。

我向李资政说明，我方海基会在1992年11月3日，奉陆委会指示，正式函海协会，关于一个中国原则，我方建议「以口头声明的方式各自表达」，同一天海协会孙亚夫副秘书长以电话告知海基会陈荣杰秘书长，「我会充分尊重并接受贵会的提议」，11月16日海协会电传一份重要函件，正式接受我方的建议，「以口头声明方式，表达一个中国的原则」。

11月17日下午4时，当时的陆委会黄昆辉主委召集两会高层会议，决定暂时不覆函，但指示我（时任海基会副秘书长）代表海、陆两会，在陆委会新闻发布室召开记者会，说明我方的立场。

在与数十位媒体记者见面时，我说明「对海协会11月16日的来函，愿接受我方的建议，以口头声明，各自表达方式，表示欢迎。但我方认为双方对此一问题的立场，原则，在香港会谈已各自表达过了，不需要约定同一时间表达」。12月3日海基会致函海协会，关于口头声明的具体内容，是根《国统纲领》及国统会对有关「一个中国」的涵意所做决议加以表达。

我向李资政说明中国国民党对「一个中国」的立场，「一个中国」是指1912年成立的中华民国，我们承认1949年中国分裂为两个部分，一是台湾地区，一是大陆地区，中国目前处于和平统一的过程中，将来的中国，我们是希望一个民主、自由、及繁荣的中国。即使1999年7月9日李前总统发表「特殊的国与国关系」，当时陆委会主委苏起，在7月底发表的大陆政策白皮书中，仍强调我方愿在「一个中国，各自表述」的共识下，敦促大陆方面恢复协商。

我向李资政说明，1992年12月3日以后，中国大陆对「一个中国，各自表述」并无异议。所以在这个基础上，1993年4月，双方能在新加坡举行「辜汪会谈」。但1995年6月李前总统访美国乃尔大学发表演说以后，中共推迟两会的协商，并认为「一个中国，各自表述」的应用，是两会之间的事，台湾方面做了扩大解释，把「一个中国，各自表述」推到国际领域。

不过2000年11月2日，前经济部长王志刚等人赴北京访问，见到国台办陈云林主任。陈云林的看法，是可以接受「一个中国，各自表述」，但不同意蔡英文的「各自表述，一个中国」，并说明不承认是中国人，那中国人不打中国人的承诺基础就没有了。这时李资政说「这是对台湾的警告啊！」

有关台湾对大陆的投资，我向李资政说明，11月10日台湾报纸报导，我政府证实台湾对大陆投资以达700亿美元，李资政说，将来会更多。

此时李资政问我，为什么陈水扁总统讲话常常改变？我向他说明了我个人的看法，这可能是陈总统的个性有关。他在做台北市长后，也有同样的情形。这时李资政也告诉我，中共领导人讲话是非常严谨的，他们领导人讲话是由下而上，在由上而下，反复多次会商后定调，定调后，不轻易改变，若有改变是具有重大意义。李资政认为，陈水扁总统曾说，「统一不是唯一的选项」，这对台湾非常危险。

李资政询问，国民党有无在拿回政权的可能？我的答复是，最近连战主席，宋楚瑜主席及郝龙斌主席成立在也联盟，明天（12日）他们要再一次会务，谈细节问题，这是好的开始。李资政说，在野联盟是对付陈水扁的（指对陈水扁罢免案），将来是否要合作，还是看不出来，也是两回事。我的答复，三党负责人能首次见面，是一件不容易的事，一般推测，三个在野党的合作，可能在两年以后，没想到现在就已实现。

我与李资政会面谈了35分钟，给了我深刻的印象，新加坡虽然面积不大，但在亚洲及世界舞台上，皆有一席之地。新加坡的领导人，无论过去及现在，皆重视两岸关系的发展，因为这会影响到整个亚洲的安全与发展，也影响新加坡的国家利益。

李光耀资政为了解「九二共识」的真相，请我到新加坡与他会面，聆听我的陈述，并交换意见，新加坡领导人认真的态度，实事求是的精神，值得敬佩。

（作者为前海基会副秘书长、前中广公司总经理）

英文原文：

Talk to Lee Kuan Yew on the "92 Consensus"

Lee Ching Ping ,Deputy Secretary-General of Strait Exchange Foundation, former General Manager ,China Broadcasting Corporation）Published on October 6, 2015 in the U.S. World Journal

On May 20, 2000, the Democratic Progressive Party Chen Shuibian took office as President of the Republic of China. He announced the "Four Nos, Ones and Nos" mainland policy, that is, not to declare independence, not to change the national title, not to promote the two-state theory into the constitution, and not to promote the change of the status quo. The National Unification and Independence referendum did not abolish the National Unification Program and the National Unification Council. Mainland China’s response is "to listen to what you say and watch what you do." On the afternoon of June 27, 2006, Chen Shui-bian met with Dr. Willian Fuller, the head of the Asia Foundation of the United States, and others at the General Office. "One China, each statement“,but the mainland does not recognize this consensus. At the same time, the senior officials of the Presidential Office pointed out that Chen Shui-bian’s ritual was consistent with the 520 and 620 speeches, and it did not mean that the president had accepted the "one China principle."

On June 28, Tsai Ing-wen, then chairman of the Mainland Affairs Council, held an emergency press conference in the evening to clarify that Chen Shui-bian’s talk on the "One China" issue at the 620 press conference was spiritual and content. Consistent. "One China, each statement" is our term used to describe the process of the 1992 talks. The two sides of the strait have never reached a consensus on the "one China principle."

Chen Shui-bian’s remarks and Tsai Ing-wen’s clarification were major events on both sides of the strait at that time and had far-reaching impact. Because the mainland policy of the Chen Shui-bian government denied the existence of the "1992 Consensus", the original foundation of mutual trust between the two sides of the strait was shaken. As a result, the Association Relations Across The Taiwan Straits（ARATS）suspended the negotiations with SEF for eight years.

In early November 2000, Vice Chairman Wu Boxiong of the Chinese Kuomintang will lead a delegation to Longyan, Fujian in his personal capacity to participate in the "World Hakka Conference" on November 17. Vice Chairman Wu specially invited me, Zhang Ronggong, and Li Jianrong to accompany the delegation to visit。After the news was published in the newspaper, it attracted the attention of the Singapore Office in Taipei, because this was the first visit to the mainland by the vice chairman of the Chinese Kuomintang since 1949. Although the visit was in a private capacity, it still had a certain degree of significance. In addition, the reason for the "92 Consensus", the relevant parties in Singapore, also want to know the real situation. For these reasons, the representative of the Singapore Office in Taipei Xu Guofeng met with me in early November and invited me to go to Singapore to meet with Lee Kuan Yew. At that time, my job was the general manager of China Broadcasting Corporation.

At 5:45 pm on November 10, I met with Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew at the Prime Minister's Office of Singapore, accompanied by Wang Zexiong, an official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore. I received very cordially and informed that today is Singapore’s official language, English, as the language of the talks between the two parties.

First of all, I would like to state that it is my honour to have the opportunity to meet an important politician in the world. At the same time, I would like to thank the Singaporean government for the Assistance with our delegation. At that time, I served as the deputy secretary-general of the SEF, participated in the "Koo-Wang Talks" and was responsible for contacting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore.

When I brought Mr. Hu Zhiqiang as former Minister of Foreign Affairs, the post and newspaper clippings about "One China" issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of my country were sent to Mr. Li for reference.

I explained to him that on November 17 this year, I will accompany Vice Chairman Wu Boxiong of the Chinese Kuomintang to the Mainland in a private capacity to participate in the "World Hakka Conference" in Longyan, Fujian, but I do not rule out the opportunity to meet with the mainland high-level officials. My judgment is nothing more than to talk about how to rebuild cross-strait relations and how to exchange views on promoting party-party exchanges. In 2001, the Chinese Kuomintang think tank will conduct academic discussions with think tank experts and scholars from the mainland.

I explained to Senior Minister Li that on November 3, 1992, under the instructions of the Mainland Affairs Council, the SEF formally wrote to the ARATS. Regarding the one-China principle, we suggested that we should "express each one in a verbal statement." The Deputy Secretary-General Sun Yafu of the ARATS informed the Secretary-General Chen Rongjie of the Straits Foundation by phone, "ARATS will fully respect and accept your proposal." On November 16, the ARATS faxed an important letter to formally accept our proposal. , "To express the one-China principle in an oral statement."“But during the talkson cross-straits administrative affairs betwen ARATSand SEF ,the political implications of ‘the one China principle’shall not be touched on”

At 4 pm on November 17, Huang Kunhui, then chairman of the MAC, convened a high-level meeting of the two organitions and decided not to respond to the letter for the time being, but instructed me (the then deputy secretary-general of the SEF) to represent the two organizations in the Mainland. In the press conference room, a press conference was held to explain our position.

When meeting with dozens of media reporters, I stated that "to the ARATS’ letter of November 16th, I would like to accept our suggestions and express our welcome in a verbal statement. However, we believe that both sides have expressed this. The position and principle of this issue have been expressed separately in the Hong Kong talks, and there is no need to agree to express them at the same time." On December 3, the Straits Foundation wrote to the ARATS that the specific content of the oral statement was expressed in accordance with the "National Unification Program" and the National Unification Council's resolution on the meaning of "one China".

I explained to Senior Minister Li the position of the KMT on "One China". "One China" refers to the Republic of China established in 1912. We recognize that China was split into two parts in 1949. One is the Taiwan region and the other is the Mainland China region。

China is currently in the process of peaceful reunification. In the future, we hope for a democratic, free, and prosperous China. Even though former President Lee published "Special State-to-State Relations" on July 9, 1999, Su Qi, the chairman of the Mainl…

（《美国世界日报》2015年10月6日刊载）